The Election of 1860

By the election of 1860 profound divisions existed among Americans over the prox course of their country, and especially over the S bulgehs peculiar institution, thralldom.During the presidency of James K. Polk (1841-1849), the coupled States had confirmed the annexation of Texas to the Union, negotiated a treaty with Great Britain for the Oregon territorial dominion up to the 49th parallel, and, as a result of the Mexican War, added atomic account 20 and New Mexico as well. The American eagle now spanned the entire continent, a source of nationalistic pride to those who thought expansion was the fulfillment of some(prenominal) Gods will and Americas mission to spread its republican institutions.But national exuberance false sour when Americans confronted the issue of whether thralldom should follow the flag into the new territories. During the 1850s, unalike views about thraldoms expansion and its place in Americas future fueled misgiving and bitterness between Yankeee rs and Confederateers. In Kansas, the question of whether the ground would be heart-to-heart or closed to slaveholding erupted in violence and semipolitical unrest. release Kansas, the treatment of fugitive slaves, and opposite issues involving slavery strained and then bust the nations two- caller system which had served for a generation to weld sections and interests into two a secure national institutions. Of the two major parties, the Whig organization totally succumbed in the mid-1850s to the sectionalizing effect of the slavery issue and ceased to operate as a national political company.Like the country, the Whig party could not exist half slave and half ingenuous. Meanwhile, the Democratic party managed to remain intact throughout that decade, but slavery acted like a solvent to weaken its bonds. Increasingly, its powerful, predominantly southern wing was at odds with a smaller, northern contingent.The bm of 1860 accurately registered the countrys precarious condi tion by and by a decade of sectional turmoil. The leading political organization in the northeasterly was the Republican party. It was composed of former Whigs, a smaller number of ex-Democrats, as well as members of other parties, including some who had previously back up antislavery parties, such as the Liberty party, which had sought to end slavery by political pie-eyeds.Like any party, the Republican party contained a broad spectrum of opinions on galore(postnominal) issues, including slavery. But around Republicans were, like capital of Nebraska, moderates who were positioned between the more rotatory and conservative elements of their party.The key to the Republican partys success was its position on slavery. It unlike the expansion of slavery and called upon Congress to require measures, whenever necessary, to bar its extension. It condemned slavery as an im example institution, a relic of barbarism, and most Republicans thought that by control slavery within its take boundaries, the institution would be placed on the road to eventual extinction.The party was, therefore, a genuine anti-slavery party, but most Republicans rejected a more radical stand that would associate them with abolitionism.The party, for example, upheld the thorough sanctity of slavery within the randomness, and a significant minority (including Lincoln) were involuntary to support a constitutional amendment forever guaranteeing against congressional interference with slavery in the commonwealths.Republicans to a fault acknowledged the legitimacy of the fugitive slave article of the Constitution and authentic its enforcement by proper laws. Republicans, therefore, sortd themselves from abolitionists who agitated for a quicker, immediate, end to slavery, and the adoption of measures, such as the emancipation of slaves in the nations capital, which would engender slavery insecure in its present boundaries.At the same time, moderate Republicans also distinguished th emselves from the more egalitarian racial program of abolitionism. Most Republicans accepted the principles of the Declaration of Independence as assuring black people certain rights now and, perhaps also, as ultimate goals to be fully agnise sometime in the future.But they disavowed measures that would immediately bring about on-key par between the races. Lincoln, who may live been somewhat more conservative than the content of his party, declared himself against adequate rights in voting and officeholding, and he advocated the colonization of blacks to lands external the United States, an approximation that was anathema to abolitionists. south-centralerners, however, hardly distinguished between the different antislavery and racial views of the Republicans and abolitionists.The Republican partys opposer to the expansion of slavery, therefore, encompassed a distinctive moral protest against slavery itself, but also contained, at least for many Republicans, a racial concern that the territories be reserved primarily for vacate white people. In addition, the Republican mainstream associated a free labor indian lodge with economic opportunity, hard work, upward mobility, liberty, morality, and other essential elements of a true republic.Slavery, on the other hand, was associated with economic backwardness, aristocracy, violence, illiteracy, intemperance, and immorality. Worse yet, Republicans viewed slavery as an combative institution, whose leaders, in alliance with sympathetic northerners, were conspiring to spread this cancer throughout the nation.This motif of a Slave Power Conspiracy, which Lincoln boldly proclaimed in his House Divided speech to the Illinois Republican convention in June 1858, identify the party with democratic ideals and provided a shorthand expression of northern rage against the Souths political clout. Although a minority section, the South had disproportionate influence in national politics, and frequently scuttled measur es desired by many northerners, such as higher tariffs to protect manufacturing, or homestead legislation to provide free land for western appeasers.VIDEO A House Divided (1.9 MB)In May 1860, the Republicans self-possessed in Chicago for hardly their second national convention and put forward Lincoln as their candidate. The platform held that the normal condition of all grunge was freedom. The platform also endorsed measures to encourage industry, a homestead act, and a continental railroad.VIDEO Lincolns Nomination (2.1 MB)As for the Democratic party, the corrosive effect of slavery finally do itself felt on this national institution. For years, Democrats had united behind the philosophical system of frequent sovereignty. Popularized by such prominent party leaders as Lewis Cass, its candidate in 1848, and Stephen A. Douglas, Illinoiss eminent and ambitious United States senator, popular sovereignty left(p) the question whether slavery should be permitted to expand into a territory up to the people in the territory.Popular sovereignty promised to keep the subject of slavery out of the hands of politicians in Washington, and to give it, instead, to the people, the territorial citizens, most directly involved. The doctrine sounded democratic, f tune, and practical.But popular sovereignty proved a hollow idea. Most northern Democrats assumed that, under this doctrine, slavery would never actually expand into territories. Climate, terrain, the fast movement of free state settlers into the West, and other considerations would discourage slaveholders from entering the territories.Thus, the initial settlers in a territory would favor free labor and would take measures to keep slavery out. Fairly applied, popular sovereignty would hold the territories (or more or less all of them) for the North without insulting the South by explicitly excluding slavery under federal authority.Republicans, however, denounced popular sovereignty as inadequate to prevent the spread of slavery, and chastely bankrupt because it implied that a decision for slavery was morally equivalent to one against. Equally problematic was the view of most southern Democrats, who interpreted popular sovereignty to permit and even protect slavery in the territories throughout the entire territorial stage.Southerners insisted that slaveholders had the same constitutional right as nonslaveholders to bring their property, including slaves, into the territories. Moreover, since the territories were the common property of all the states, slaveholders must have equal access. For the South, the question of whether slavery would actually go into a territory was of less moment than establishing the principle that slavery must have equal standing to free labor.Honor and security demanded that slavery be treated as no less sacrosanct than freedom. Southerners, therefore, interpreted popular sovereignty to mean that only at the very end of the territorial stage, after slavery h ad been permitted to take root, could the citizens of the territory declare against the institution. There could be free states in the United States, but no free territories.These different definitions of popular sovereignty, which actually expressed variant attitudes towards slavery itself, came to a head when the Democratic party assembled in Charleston, South Carolina, in April 1860. Southern Democrats insisted that the party endorse the idea of a federal slave code for the territories.This would secure the rights of slaveholders to enter the territories throughout the territorial period. When the majority of delegates refused to accept the southern position, delegates from the deep South states, gain a few from the upper South, marched out of the convention. The remaining delegates, after weakness to nominate a candidate, adjourned to meet again in Baltimore in June. The only political party with a truly national constituency was now disperse asunder.The following June 1860, efforts to reunite the Democratic party failed, and Democrats met in two separate conventions in Baltimore. The predominantly northern wing nominated Douglas, and adopted a platform upholding popular sovereignty without mentioning a federal slave code, and exit it to the Supreme Court to determine the specific powers of a territorial legislature. Herschel V. Johnson of gallium was selected as Douglass running mate.The southern Democratic wing nominated the present vice president of the United States, John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky, as its presidential candidate, and Joseph highroad of Oregon as his running mate. The southern Democratic platform affirm the right of the federal government to protect the slaveholders equal right to settle in a territory.Further complicating the election was the formation of a fourth political party, the Constitutional Union party. Composed of conservative members of the moribund Whig and Know null parties, the Constitutional Union party denounc ed the major parties for inciting sectional divisions, and appealed for a popular, ultranationalistic rallying to the cause of the Union.Its convention, which met in May 1860, also in Baltimore, nominated John Bell, a Tennessee Whig, for President, and Edward Everett of Massachusetts for vice president. The partys conservative appeal attracted a following, especially in the border states throughout the South, it constituted the main opposition to the Breckinridge ticket.The campaign of 1860 demonstrated that a national political system was no longer operating. The contest was actually two elections, one in the North and one in the South. In the North, the Lincoln and Douglas forces vied for victory in the South the contest was between Breckinridge and Bell. The sections were insulated from each other.Lincoln did not even appear on the ballot in most southern states, and only in a few northern states did Breckinridge muster any discernible support. In the end, Lincoln won the electi on by carrying seventeen free states, while Breckinridge triumphed in eleven slave states. Neither candidate captured a single state in the opposite section. Bell and Douglas trailed far behind.The highly sectionalized nature of the campaign meant that northerners and southerners waged battle against a shadow opponent. Lincoln refused to issue public assurances to the South that he would uphold slavery in its present confines. Nor did southerners have to buckle under heed to the Republican partys official denunciation of John Browns raid on Harpers Ferry, Virginia.This attack on a federal arsenal in the ancestry of 1859, by the Ohio abolitionist did not provoke the int cease insurrection of slaves, and ended in Browns capture and hanging.The raid sent shock waves through the South. despite Republican disclaimers, southerners readily linked the party to abolitionism and the violent overthrow of slavery. Similarly, northerners, brush up in the renewed Lincoln-Douglas contest, paid insufficient heed to the metier of anti-Union feelings in the South.Although neither Breckinridge nor Bell threatened secession, they often challenged each other in the South as to who was the more loyal to southern rights and interests. The air was filled with frequent warnings that Lincolns election would justify secession.